The German Left Is at Rock Bottom

The outcome of the recent European Parliament elections was a disaster for Die Linke. While a poor result was anticipated, it was not expected that the losses would be this severe. The party received half as many votes as in the previous election, with around 1 million of these votes instead going to the Social Democrats (SPD) and the newly founded Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW). In contrast, only a few votes were won from the SPD and the Greens, which was the campaign’s goal.

The popular assumption that there was hardly any overlap between potential voters for Die Linke and BSW has turned out to be entirely false. While on the one hand the volume of newcomers was greeted with enthusiasm, the haemorrhage of voters to BSW was underestimated on the other. Upcoming state elections in East Germany will be even worse. It is expected that the BSW will leave Die Linke in the dust. Recent results at the municipal level, some of which are quite remarkable, do provide a glimmer of hope, but ultimately only a glimmer.

Facing Facts

The situation is serious. It must be properly understood and dealt with accordingly in a self-critical manner. Statements suggesting that Die Linke have actually done everything right and simply need more time to polish up their battered image, as well as attempts to lay the blame primarily on Sahra Wagenknecht, are an inaccurate and inadequate response to what has occurred. The results of both the European and Bundestag elections, as well as the losses at state level, point to fundamental problems in the party’s strategic orientation and organizational structure.

The European election results demonstrated that focusing solely on social justice, as important as it is, is not enough, especially when controversial issues such as peace policy are virtually ignored. The BSW scored points with their handling of the issue of peace, which is characterized by some parts of the left as a “loser” issue. The formation of a prominent team of candidates has by no means achieved what the party leadership promised it would. Putting Gerhard Trabert at the centre of an election campaign focused on social issues would have been a strong move, but this did not happen.

Many people are calling for Die Linke to renew its programme, but it is not really necessary to rewrite the Erfurt Programme, which in my opinion still represents a good basis for left-wing socialist policymaking. However, it is necessary to redefine Die Linke’s strategic and political orientation in light of changing social conditions. This is something the party has neglected to do in the last four years. Die Linke was unable to organize a political debate following the February 2022 strategy conference in Kassel, a failure which is now coming back to haunt it. It is necessary to determine what in fact constitutes a socialist party, i.e. the profile of Die Linke, before defining voter groups and deciding what issues are important to them.

Grasping the Contradictions

Left-wing politics proceeds from the contradictions that manifest as a result of social development, which it in turn seeks to overcome. That is why an analysis of the existing conditions of society is a prerequisite for any left-wing politics. Political interventions must be derived from an analysis of these social contradictions.

Fundamentally, there are two primary transformation processes that determine how development progresses. The first is the transformation of the economy and industry in light of the existential threat posed by climate change, which is forcing humanity to fundamentally redefine its modes of production. The second is the far-reaching geopolitical changes occurring around the world, which is reflected particularly strongly in the increasing number of military conflicts and wars occurring in many different regions.

Putting the issue of peace on the back burner has proven to be a serious strategic mistake.

While the war in Ukraine, instigated by Russia and in violation of international law, and the military conflict in the Gaza Strip, triggered by Hamas’s violent attack, are undoubtedly at the forefront of our minds, we must not forget ongoing wars being fought in other parts of the world, such as Yemen. Taken as a whole, these conflicts are about the struggle for global hegemony. The world has become more diverse. The Global South is no longer prepared to accept the dominance of the Global North. This change necessitates a multipolar approach to global politics.

More and more countries are increasingly in favour of this multipolar approach, as evidenced by the expansion of the BRICS group. However, this expanded multipolarity is being countered by more frequent confrontations between blocs, in which the US seeks to defend its crumbling hegemony against a rising China. America clearly makes use of NATO for this purpose. Rather than adopting an independent position geared towards cooperation and détente, it is instead clear that the EU is happy to submit to the US’s hegemonic programme. It is of existential importance that left-wing socialist parties take a stand on this issue.

Defining Our Priorities

The issue of peace is one that cannot be ignored. In this context, we should remember the following statement from Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, which remains as relevant as ever: “Militarism – which to society as a whole represents a completely absurd economic waste of enormous productive forces – and which for the working class means a lowering of its standard of living with the objective of enslaving it socially – is for the capitalist class economically the most alluring, irreplaceable kind of investment and politically and socially the best support for their class rule.”

Putting the issue of peace on the back burner has proven to be a serious strategic mistake, with the justification given that both the party and the public are divided on the topic. And while it’s certainly true that this division exists in both realms, it is no excuse for neglecting it altogether. Instead, this division should be seen as a reason for the issue to be discussed in depth in order to arrive at a shared position. Agreement on the need for disarmament certainly exists, although that is not enough on its own. Die Linke must also clearly elucidate the causes of and the economic and socio-political contexts and reasons that give rise to rearmament, militarization, and war. What’s more, there also needs to be agreement that wars such as the one in Ukraine cannot be ended by military force and will only end through negotiation. Currently, we are experiencing a kind of militarism that permeates the whole of society, including the culture. Die Linke must strongly and visibly oppose this trend.

This will not be easy to do when faced with such a bellicose climate, but it is necessary. In this context, the two conferences organized by the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation in collaboration with IG Metall and ver.di on trade unions and peace that were held in Hanau and Stuttgart were important actions to support this kind of politics.

Major transformation processes are simultaneously exacerbating and overlaying the profound crisis of neoliberal capitalist development. This applies economically, socially, and politically. Economic development has stagnated in Germany. Industry restructuring is progressing slowly and inconsistently. These problems will continue to escalate until the general election. The German government is divided on these issues and offers no convincing solutions to the primary challenges they face. This is particularly evident regarding the issue of the debt brake, which is proving to be a hindrance to investment and thus the future and is now even being questioned by industry leaders. As a result, existent social problems are only getting worse. Precarious forms of work and life are on the rise. The cost-of-living crisis is a huge problem for many people. At the same time, large companies are generating excess profits. And the rich are only getting richer.

It is therefore appropriate for Die Linke to focus on social issues and that social justice remains a central pillar of Die Linke’s identity, despite its identity-forming effect having diminished. The party’s demand for wealth redistribution is still highly relevant, even if previous attempts to campaign for it have been unsuccessful. Social issues must be addressed in as concrete and direct a manner as possible.

Dissatisfaction with the prevailing political system is currently shifting votes to the right and to the extreme right, despite all the mass protests from the Left.

Social issues are deeply connected to other issues such as climate change and the resulting economic and industrial restructuring processes. This necessitates both an intensified debate on new economic and industrial policies that incorporate public investment, as well as the involvement of workers. What is required is a democratization of the economy, which naturally involves questioning the nature of ownership. Restructuring processes are in themselves associated with significant social problems. This is why trade unions call for a “just transition”, a position supported by Die Linke.

Good examples of Die Linke’s support of just transition are the “Green Steel” and “Transformation of the Global Automotive Industries” conferences organized by the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, in which cooperation between shop stewards, trade unions, the foundation, and other left-wing actors became tangible and therefore, practical. In dealing with concrete transformation processes, the failings of the prevailing political order can be revealed, and perspectives that specifically address necessary changes and gesture beyond the limitations of capitalist development can be highlighted. At the same time, conferences are also a way of strengthening cooperation with trade unions, which is obviously important for left-wing political action.

It is also important that social issues be linked to peace policy. Every euro spent on weapons is one not spent on combating social problems and on the fight against climate change. Peace, climate, and social issues are closely linked. And war is itself the biggest driver of environmental disaster.

Going beyond Capitalism

Die Linke must distinguish itself as an oppositional force that addresses social issues, one that bases this opposition on combating the real problems that affect people and presents political perspectives that are not only aimed at overcoming these problems but also at developing genuine alternatives. This is the socialist position that goes beyond capitalism and separates Die Linke from all other parties, including the BSW.

It makes no sense to attack the BSW, as some do. Instead, what is needed is a serious political debate. Die Linke differs from the BSW on key issues, not only on migration, but above all in terms of economic and environmental policy. While the BSW ignores the issue of climate change, Die Linke advocates for a far-reaching socio-ecological transformation and considers a systemic shift to be necessary. The BSW does not even consider questions of system change. In contrast to the BSW, Die Linke also resolutely defends the right to asylum. At the same time, however, migration-related issues and the problems associated with them must be taken seriously. This means that the aborted discussion on immigration law must be resumed in order to generate concrete regulations.

In Germany and Europe as a whole, the current political moment is characterized by a strong shift to the right, which is associated with considerable dangers for a democratic future. This is the result of policies that are unable to provide convincing responses to key problems and central economic and socio-political challenges. The result of this is uncertainty, extreme dissatisfaction, and fears about the future. Dissatisfaction with the prevailing political system is currently shifting votes to the right and to the extreme right, despite all the mass protests from the Left. Ultimately, there is no “firewall” that will protect us against this shift — only a different kind of politics can provide a solution. It is the task of the Left to present a convincing political alternative, as has been outlined here. A strong Die Linke is needed to make this socially effective.

Strengthening Die Linke requires both an agreement on its strategic foundations and in particular a renewal of its organizational structures. This affects Die Linke’s branches at both district and state level, as it is essentially inactive in some parts of Germany. It also affects the party’s executive board and party leadership. Everyone complains that Die Linke has no strategic centre. Die Linke needs an executive board that represents the entirety of the party and strong leadership that can decisively implement agreed-upon policies.

This article first appeared in LuXemburg. Translated by Eve Richens and Ryan Eyers for Gegensatz Translation Collective.